1933 marked the release of Gabriel Over the White House, a bizarre,
interesting, dangerous, and yet entertaining film directed by veteran
director and former animator Gregory La Cava. This little known film
is best described as a Depression-era “Anti-Atlas Shrugged” that
was filmed long before Ayn Rand presented her best known ideas.
Gabriel Over the White House is
part fantasy, part rom com, and part cold blooded fascist propaganda.
Adapted
by screenwriter Casey Wilson—who had written the 1925 adaptation of
Ben Hur and the 1935
version of Mutiny on the Bounty—from
a novel by British novelist T.F. Tweed, Gabriel Over the
White House was co-produced by
progressive publisher William Randolph Hearst—who had, of course,
been the inspiration for Citizen Kane.
Hearst was a former Democratic Congressman and unsuccessful candidate
for New York Governor. He was most famous for his “yellow” journalism which played a strong role in successfully agitating for
an American war with Spain in the late nineteenth century. Hearst was
a major supporter of FDR and the New Deal.
Gabriel Over the White House can
be described as a fascist's fantasy of what the FDR presidency should
be like. Filmed during the 1932 election, the film was released on
March 31, 1933—less than a month after Franklin D. Roosevelt's
inauguration.
The
film stars character actor Walter Huston as newly elected American
President Judson Hammond. Huston was an energetic and youthful 50 at
the time. He would go on to win an Oscar for his unforgettable work
as the old codger in Treasure of the Sierra Madre
in 1949 and to be nominated for Oscars for Dodsworth
(1937), The Devil and Daniel Webster (1942), and
Yankee Doodle Dandy (1943).
Huston's dynamic yet subtle performance carries the film. Gabriel
Over the White House also stars
Franchot Tone—who would be nominated for an Oscar three years
earlier for his lead role in Mutiny on the Bounty—as
the President's secretary and closest confidante.
Gabriel Over the White House opens
with President Judson Hammond being sworn into office. It immediately
becomes clear that Hammond is the typical politician. He owes favors
to those who put him into office and is more beholden to his
political contributors and his party than he is to the people or the
Constitution. He soon explains that he cannot be an idealist because
it is the political party that calls the shots. In these early scenes
with his slicked back hair, Huston's Hammond resembles President
Herbert Hoover more than a little bit.
President
Hammond is a bachelor President with a cute little nephew and he soon
orders his secretary Hartley “Beek” Beekman to make the beautiful
Miss Pendola Molloy into Beekman's unofficial assistant after she
shows up to the White House late at night. With an attractive
bachelor President and an attractive and independent leading lady, it
looks as if the film is going to veer into rom com territory like a
proto version of The American President.
However, the film soon performs a bait and switch and takes us into
some very chilling and almost surreal territory.
During
a meeting with the White House press corps, President Hammond shows
himself to be a caricature of Herbert Hoover. Hammond tells the
reporters that they may not quote him on the record and that
questions must be submitted a day in advance. He also expresses his
support for Prohibition, characterizes unemployment as a “local
issue” and organized crime as a “local problem.” In short,
Hammond is presented as a “do nothing” President. Hoover had
similarly been popularly characterized as a “laissez faire
do-nothing president” although this was largely untrue. President
Hoover instituted a Keynesian "New Deal lite” during the latter
stages of his presidency. FDR campaigned to the right of the
progressive Hoover during the 1932 presidential election, promising
things such as a balanced budget.
The
strongest parallel with the Hoover administration is provided by
liberal activist John Bronson's “Unemployed Army”—which closely
resembles the “Bonus Army” that Hoover crushed through the use of
military force. Bronson is planning a march on Washington with over a
million unemployed men. When Bronson speaks on the radio, President
Hammond is shown playing with his young nephew in the Oval Office and
completely ignoring the speech.
President
Hammond is presented as a bit of a reckless rascal in the first half
hour of the film. He drives his own car—and drives it fast. In a
key scene, Hammond is shown driving his car at over 100 MPH and
leaving a car with reporters in the dust. Hammond loses control of
the car, crashes, and winds up in a coma.
As
Hammond lies unconscious at the White House, his doctors hold a vigil
over him. He has a fractured skull and is not expected to live. While
he is on the verge of death, a mysterious bell rings. Shortly
thereafter, Hammond miraculously wakes up and recovers fully. This
sets up the key ambiguity in the film and provides for an element of
magical realism. The question is whether Hammond simply recovered
naturally or whether there was divine inspiration involved. In
essence, we are given the sort of ambiguity that would later be used
in films such as K-PAX.
The
notion of divine intervention saving the life of an American
President provides an intriguing yet disturbing element of the Divine
Right of Kings. It also reminds the modern viewer of George W.
Bush—who clearly believed that God intended him to rule and
intended him to invade Iraq. More broadly, this subtle theological
element closely parallels the close ties that fascism had with
organized religion in nations such as Germany, Italy, and Spain.
Fascism—contrary to popular belief—is always closely tied to
traditional religion.
After
waking up from his coma, President Hammond sits alone thinking for
several weeks. During this time, nobody is informed that he has
recovered. It is revealed that Hammond has been transformed. It is as
if he is now a different man. Is this the result of brain damage? Has
he been possessed by some sort of angelic—or demonic—entity? Has
he undergone a personality change as the result of a mystical
experience? This question is never fully answered, but what is clear
is that President Hammond is now very different. He loses interest in
the beautiful Miss Molloy. He loses interest in his young nephew. He
is focused and determined but also humorless and almost inhuman. He
is a bit of a jerk, actually. In many ways, Huston plays Hammond like
FDR for the remainder of the film.
While
Hammond was incapacitated, the country has drifted to the verge of
chaos. When he returns to duty, Hammond is informed that Bronson's
Unemployed Army is headed toward D.C. His Secretary of War recommends
that the demonstration be broken up through the use of military
force—as Hoover had done to crush the Bonus Army. Hammond refuses
and orders food and medical care to be provided to the Unemployed
Army when they arrive, and he says that fighting starvation is the
“moral equivalent” of war. This would become a central notion of
progressive fascism in the United States and lead to things such as
the War on Poverty, the War on Drugs, and the War on Terror. He
expresses the idea that citizens should be guaranteed the “elemental
necessities” and in so doing he anticipates FDR's “Second Bill of Rights” that would be presented in his 1944 inaugural speech a
decade later. Hammond smiles confidently and tells his Secretary of
War to read the Constitution because the President does have some
power! Of course, the truth is that Article II of the Constitution
grants POTUS few enumerated powers, but why let the Constitution get
in the way of a good fascistic story? Hammond fires his Secretary of
State to demonstrate his power.
The
Unemployed Army marches from New York City toward Baltimore. It is
presented as a peaceful and racially integrated group. Well, there is
one token Black man shown at any rate. Hammond also has a token Black
man working for him—his butler Sebastian who is a complete
caricature. Progressives like Woodrow Wilson had been vehement
racists, so it is no surprise that a progressive fascist film such as
this would have racist undertones. On the way to Baltimore, a machine
gunner in the back of a van disguised as an ambulance shoots and
kills John Bronson. In an unintentionally funny scene, Bronson tells
his followers to go on, and they do—walking right over his dead
body as his daughter mourns!
President
Hammond meets the Unemployed Army in Baltimore, and the group demands
work. Hammond promises to establish an “Army of Construction”—which
like future fascistic New Deal programs such as the Civilian Conservation Corps would pay the unemployed to do public works. Of course, neither
the Congress nor the President have the enumerated power to set up
such an organization, but that hardly matters. Like any would be
fascist dictator, Hammond has gained the loyalty of the unemployed
masses just as Mussolini and Hitler had been doing in Europe.
Hammond's
cabinet meets in secret to discuss their concerns about his unhinged
tyrannical behavior, but Hammond learns of the meeting. He sends them
each a note demanding their resignations for “reconstruction of the
government.” While the President has the authority to seek the
resignation of members of his cabinet, it is interesting to note that
the 25thAmendment—passed thirty years later—allows for the President to
be declared disabled and removed from office by the Vice President
and a majority of cabinet leaders. At this point it is clear that
President Hammond is quite mentally ill.
Congress
refuses to grant Hammond the money for his “Army of Reconstruction”
and threatens to impeach him for his dictatorial unconstitutional
overreach. Hammond gives an impassioned pro-Keynesian speech about
economic proposals and action, and then asks Congress to a declare
state of emergency, and adjourn until normal conditions are restored.
Until “normal conditions” are restored, Hammond will wield
dictatorial powers. When Congress rightly accuses the President of
becoming a dictator, Hammond lectures them. He tells them that it is
Congress who have given up democracy and become traitors. Hammond
invokes the names of Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln. He goes so
far as to claim that Jefferson was essentially a proto-Marxist
utilitarian! Hammond then claims that the President has the power to
declare martial law. Of course, even on the most fascistic reading of
the Constitution and the law, the President may only declare martial
law—according to the Insurrection Act of 1807—in the case of
“insurrection” or “domestic violence” that so hinders the
execution of government that citizens are deprived of their basic
rights. However, progressives then like progressives now had
fantasies about benevolent dictatorships that things like the
niceties of law should never interfere with.
The
Congress relents,and the next day the newspaper headline reads:
“Congress Accedes to President's Request! Adjourns by Overwhelming
Vote ... Hammond Dictator.” The dictator El Presidente Hammond
prevents the foreclosure of mortgages, passes banking laws to protect
money in banks, and provides direct aid to farmers. In essence,
Hammond unilaterally enacts his own New Deal. It is interesting how
much this resembles what FDR would do. FDR had a Congress dominated
by members of his own party. If FDR had found himself in a situation
where Congress was dominated by critics of the New Deal, would he
have resorted to dictatorial actions like his fictional cinematic
counterpart did? Given FDR's dictatorial use of executive orders—such
as the one that led to the internment of Japanese Americans during
the war—and his threat to “pack” the court, it is not that
farfetched to claim that FDR may have become Hammond if Congress had
been less friendly to his progressive brand of Depression-era
fascism.
Dictatorship
dominating democracy. Presented in a favorable light in an American
film. Amazing! But the film only gets more chilling as it marches
toward its conclusion. Hammond ends Prohibition. This is the first
good idea that he has had in the entire film. However, instead of
allowing a free market in alcohol to end gansterism, Hammond puts the
alcohol industry under federal control. When wealthy New York
bootlegger Nick Diamond—anti-semitism much?—begins to wage a
terroristic campaign against federal alcohol stores, Hammond “fires”
his secretary “Beek,” and names him the head of a new federal
police unit to target racketeers. By this point “Beek” has fallen
in love with Miss Molloy and proposed to her. Hammond seems to care
little about having been made a cuckold by his own secretary. Perhaps
this is some subtle reference to Hammond being “Christ-like” in
being celibate, but it plays as a rom com gone very wrong.
“Beek”
uses tanks to attack the headquarters of Diamond. With no Congress to
interfere—and this is just what the film says—Hammond allows
“Beek” to act as judge, jury, and executioner. Diamond and his
lackies are not given due process. Instead of jury trials, they are
tried before a military tribune which “Beek” presides over! All
are declared guilty and sentenced to death. In a chilling scene,
“Beek” orders a firing squad to “fire” as Diamond and his men
stand against a wall bound and blindfolded. While I am a fan of
horror films and no stranger to slasher films and “torture porn”
horror flicks, this scene caused a wave of nausea to come over me. Is
this what President Obama or some future POTUS may do with the broad
anti-terror powers which Obama has claimed? Why fear drones when we
have good old fashioned firing squads? Sickening!
The
final scenes of the third act of the film present Hammond's foreign
policy. President Hammond seeks to force European powers to pay their
debts to the United States. While to the liberatrian-minded this may
sound like a good idea—the government should not be intervening by
giving foreign aid or loans at all—in the context of the times, it
is problematic. If the European powers were all forced to pay money
that they did not have during the Great Depression, Germany would not
have been the only belligerent fascistic military power to arise on
the Continent. World War II may have been even bigger and even more
bloody had a plan like Hammond's been carried out.
Like
FDR the candidate—and unlike FDR the President—Hammond preaches
balanced budgets. Despite setting the stages for future war, he tells
the foreign powers that if they stop spending money on unnecessary
weapons and balance their budgets, they will become prosperous. At
least it turns out that Hammond is not a complete Keynesian. One
virtue at least! Hammond proposes the “Washington Covenant” by
which if the rest of the world agrees to stop military build-ups,
then the United States will do the same. Of course, it is likely that
Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Japan, or the Soviet Union would
violate such a treaty and be enabled to militarily dominate the
world, but progressives always had good intentions that led to
disastrous consequences. Then and now.
Hammond
does give a speech in which he predicts the awesome and terrible
power of air forces and how they would lead to great destruction and
suffering if there was another global conflict. He specifically
mentions the danger of “death rays”—which remind the modern
viewer a good deal of the radioactivity of the atomic bombs dropped
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of World War II.
After
signing the “Washington Covenant” with the quill that Lincoln
used “to free the slaves,” Hammond collapses and dies in an
apparent attempt for the filmmakers to make him into a martyr or
further solidify Hammond's “Christ-like” nature.
While
some may dismiss Gabriel Over the White House
as an anachronistic precode relic of the Depression, in many ways it
portrays the deepest desires of neo-progressives—as well as
neoconservatives. To these individuals, the Constitution means
nothing. Republican democracy means nothing. All that matters is
carrying out the policies of one's favored political party—whether
that is accomplished through democracy or dictatorship. The film's
unapologetic presentation of its ideals is refreshing. If only
neocons like Cheney or neo-progressives like Obama would have stated
so nakedly their true desires.
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