The Supreme Court’s
doctrine on the expectation of privacy was first stated in a concurring opinion
by Justice John M. Harlan II in Katz v. United States (1967). The case involved a man who was arrested after making
illegal wagers from a public phone booth after FBI agents used an electronic
eavesdropping device to record his conversation. The Court threw out the
conviction and held that what a person “seeks to preserve as private, even in
an area accessible to the public, may be constitutionally protected.” Justice
Harlan’s concurring opinion created a test – that was later adopted by the
Court in Smith v. Maryland (1979) –
for determining whether a government search is reasonable under the Fourth
Amendment. This test contains two parts. First, “a person [must] have exhibited
an actual (subjective) expectation of privacy,” and second, that “expectation
[must] be one that society is prepared to recognize as ‘reasonable.’” The
problem with this is the second part of the test. Americans are likely to
expect less and less privacy as time goes by. Technological innovation has had
a hand in causing society to expect less privacy. Americans by and large now
expect that the government may be spying on them at any given time. Americans
expect that the government is monitoring their phone calls and internet usage. As
more advanced spy satellites and drones enable the government to spy on
individuals at any time and in any place, society will inevitably lose any
expectation of privacy. Why should a natural right be so dependent upon advances
in technology? Why should a human being in the early twenty-first century have
a less robust right to privacy than a human being in the eighteenth century? Why
should human beings in the future have a less robust right to privacy than
human beings do today?
In Kyllo v. United States (2001), the Court
carved out a potentially greater sphere of privacy for the home. The case
involved police using a thermal-imaging device – a camera that shows heat
images – to detect heat from high-intensity lights used to grow marijuana. In a
5
to 4 decision that
did not break according to party lines, the Court held that the use of a
thermal-imaging device constitutes a search under the Fourth Amendment, and
thus, requires a warrant. The Court stated that where “the Government uses a
device that is not in general public use, to explore details of the home that
would previously have been unknowable without physical intrusion, the
surveillance is a ‘search’ and is presumptively unreasonable without a
warrant.” The problem with this was stated in Justice John Paul Stevens’ dissenting
opinion in which he points out:
Despite the Court’s attempt to draw a line that is “not only firm but
also bright,” the contours of its new rule are uncertain because its protection
apparently dissipates as soon as the relevant technology is “in general public
use.” Yet how much use is general public use is not even hinted at by the
Court’s opinion, which makes the somewhat doubtful assumption that the thermal
imager use in this case does not satisfy that criterion. In any event, putting
aside its lack of clarity, this criterion is somewhat perverse because it seems
likely that the threat to privacy will grow, rather than recede, as the use of
intrusive equipment becomes more readily available.
Stevens also points
out that at the time of the decision there had been thousands of
thermal-imaging devices manufactured and that the device was “readily available
for the public” in that it could be rented by anyone who wanted one from a half
dozen national companies. If thermal-imaging scanners were not “in general
public use” in 2001, it seems that they will be soon. Perhaps they already are.
One of the greatest
threats to privacy in the near future is likely to come from surveillance
drones. Presently small drones can be purchased for $1,000, and larger drones
which can operate in inclement weather can be purchased for $12,000. In 2012,
Congress allocated $63.4 billion to allow the Federal Aviation Administration
to modernize air traffic control systems and to expand airspace for unmanned
drones within three and a half years. It would be foolish not to expect
American skies to eventually be filled with both government and commercial
drones. As drones begin to proliferate, the expectation of privacy both in
public and in the home will be diminished by the terms of both Katz and Kyllo. In 2011, MIT researchers devised technology using microwaves
that allows users to see through walls in real time. It is only a matter of
time before technology like this is commonplace and employed by both government
and commercial drones. As Americans become resigned to the fact that they do
not have privacy even within their own homes, the Fourth Amendment will no
longer apply to governmental use of drones employing technology to see through
the walls of homes.
In the totalitarian
police state of George Orwell’s terrifying dystopian novel 1984, “nothing was
your own except the few cubic centimeters inside your skull.” Unfortunately,
technology could one day create a state of affairs where even the privacy of
the thoughts of Americans is not protected by the Fourth Amendment. While using
brain scans to determine whether an individual is telling the truth or what
thoughts a person are thinking seem to be fanciful subjects more at home in
science fiction stories than in American court rooms, advocates of new
technologies claim that “mind reading” technology is on the horizon. One such
technology is the Brain Electrical Oscillations Signature test (BEOS),
which was developed by Champadi Raman Mukundan, an Indian neuroscientist. BEOS
uses an EEG and proprietary software.
The software tries to detect
whether, when the crime's details are recited, the brain lights up in specific
regions – the areas that, according to the technology's inventors, show
measurable changes when experiences are relived, their smells and sounds
summoned back to consciousness. The inventors of the technology claim the
system can distinguish between peoples' memories of events they witnessed and
between deeds they committed.
While experts unanimously agree that the experimental
evidence demonstrating the effectiveness of BEOS is dubious at best, this did
not prevent an Indian court from using BEOS evidence in convicting a woman formurder in 2008.
Another potential “mind reading” technology is the
functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) scanner. The fMRI has the
potential to be used as a more technologically advanced and more Orwellian
polygraph:
Feroze B. Mohamed, an associate
professor of radiology at Philadelphia's
Temple University,
conducted an experiment in which he instructed some test subjects to fire a
pistol and then falsely answer questions about the event while undergoing fMRI.
Compared to others who truthfully said they did not fire a weapon, the liars
showed increased activity in twice as many brain regions, including those
associated with memory, judgment, planning, sentence processing and inhibition.
The findings lend credence to what we've all realized at one time or another:
It takes a lot more effort to lie than to tell the truth.
While technology like BEOS and fMRI are likely nothing but
“snake oil,” it hardly matters if the government eventually comes to believe
that these devices or others like them are accurate. The Supreme Court
addressed the use of polygraphs in UnitedStates v. Scheffer (1998). In that case, the Court was unwilling to
formulate a rule that polygraph evidence should be inadmissible in American
courts. Therefore, there is no precedent
that would necessarily rule out the use of “brain scanning” evidence in the
future.
Assume for the moment that one day small handheld “brain
scanners” become commonly used. Assume also that although “mind reading” is
likely logically impossible, that these devices become widely accepted as
accurate. In such a state of affairs, Americans will eventually stop believing
that the expectation of the privacy within their own brains is reasonable. If
the Court does not overturn the Katz test,
then in this future “Brave New World,” the Court will be obliged to hold that
human beings no longer have the reasonable expectation of the privacy of their
own thoughts and that the use of such “brain scanners” by government agents
does not constitute a search for the purposes of the Fourth Amendment.
Fanciful? Yes. But possible? Yes. And scary? Definitely.
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